interview Vicent Boix ( author of the hammocks Park ) Italian journalist Giorgio
Trucchi's been over 50 days in the streets of Honduras, since June 28, the army and the most powerful overthrow the legitimate President Manuel Zelaya. Has toured the neighborhoods of various cities and the border between Nicaragua and Honduras. Have you been to demonstrations, press conferences, meetings, events of all kinds, police charges, etc. He has authored over 75 articles, features and interviews. Immortalized in nearly 500 photographs and over 20 videos, the most intense, exciting and dramatic place in the Central American nation.
Italian journalist Giorgio Trucchi is based in Nicaragua. In the last three months has covered the events that happen in Honduras for the Latin American Regional International Union of Food Workers (IUF-Rel). Nicaragua also manages the blog and more in English. He made a small hole in his schedule and was able to speak by phone to explain to us first hand the latest taking place in Honduras.
Giorgio
The first question is obliged Are you receiving and noting in Honduras a strong, organized and more widespread social mobilization in defense of the legitimate president Manuel Zelaya?
Definitely yes. The night he learned that Zelaya had entered the country and taken refuge in the embassy of Brazil, began a mass mobilization, not only in the capital but throughout the country. When I heard the news traveled back to Honduras and I did with other journalists from international agencies. A few km. of the capital could see caravans of cars and buses heading Tegucigalpa to support the President Zelaya, who incidentally were arrested by military checkpoints, which gave them no way. We were also about an hour and kept by the military throughout the country have installed controls to prevent people from reaching the capital.
As I say, support is strong but it is difficult to quantify what percentage of the population supports the ousted president. What is certain is that there are demonstrations in neighborhoods, villages and communities, not only capital, but from different departments in the nation.
I ask this because in reading your opinions and articles made from the districts of Honduras and reading in the mainstream media some Chronicles of journalists who do not quite know where they are located, I see two opposing views regarding the response of the Honduran people. On Thursday 24 September, a English newspaper reproduced a photo of the protests, some biased from my point of view-in which was observed only one protester seated on a rock. In the same article was described as popular resistance movement as "weak" Do you agree with this statement?
Not at all. I do not know whether to write this note has taken data from an agency or if that medium had correspondents here in Honduras. We also have to differentiate. There are rallies almost daily in Tegucigalpa and other cities that are massive, with thousands and thousands of people. While the demonstrations in neighborhoods, villages or communities do not need a lot of people because the aim is not that.
thing to emphasize is that all this strategy responds to a National Front Against the Coup (FNCGE), which is organizing various activities in the districts to disperse the protest and create hundreds of small pockets of resistance. In a neighborhood may be 600 people mobilized and in a place 100 or 200. The number will vary and analyzed each group individually, talk about a few people or that the resistance movement is weak. But what really matters is that at this time can be between 100 or 150 active centers scattered only in the capital.
FNCGE The objective of not only organize large events to paralyze the country, but to maintain a constant presence of people in the streets and neighborhoods to show that the coup of June 28 can not be the case and that there a majority of the population does not negate the restoration of Zelaya, the return to democracy and the beginning of a process leading to a constituent assembly and constitutional reform.
What sectors of the population and social organizations have actively joined the marches and actions for the return of democratic normalcy?
There's everything but the fact more interesting is that the FNCGE managed to gather and sit on one table scattered areas who previously worked very little between them. This is a positive aspect of the coup. There are trade unions that were very divided and now begin to move together. Within the FNCGE
apart from the unions, there are also NGOs, groups of teachers, people in the neighborhood, students, peasants, indigenous, Afro-Caribbean women's groups, artists and political parties that were previously faced.
With the coup, the President Zelaya's Liberal Party was fragmented between the supporters of this and those who support the government de facto. Well, that fraction loyal to President also part of the resistance.
This is without doubt one of the most interesting developments in recent months: that an event so powerful and strong as a coup has plunged the union and the joint work of various social actors.
Since the coup began on June 28 When do you see more intensity and more protests of society?
There have been several times particularly active. The first few days, 28 and 29 June were especially intense days because enacting the coup government, the president was expelled from the country and began the crackdown. Another time task force was July 5 when Zelaya made the first attempt to return. There were demonstrations that were answered with violence, which caused the death of the first demonstrator, a young Obed Isis Murillo, who unfortunately was the first of many who lost their lives during three months of fighting. Another strong moment was during the second attempt to Zelaya for entering the country at the border at Las Manos (Ocotal - Nicaragua).
However, the most intense moment is being now that the president is already back in the nation. This shows, regardless of their past and their history, Manuel Zelaya is still a catalyst. Always maintained that the resistance the first step or condition is the restoration of Zelaya as the legitimate president of the nation. They claim that there can be no peace or democracy until it is restored to the president of the republic.
told me that there was a march Thursday 24 supporters of Micheletti Did many people to it?
marches here call the "white" or "scented" have always been massive. After the large concentrations of social organizations, the government itself calls for citizens to participate in demonstrations to counter what organizes and resistance. The
FNCGE denounced on many occasions, these marches are composed of workers in enterprises in the hands of economic groups participating in the coup, and even threatening to force their employees to come to the marches. They get to meet thousands of people, especially men and women workers in export processing zones, and provide them with the famous white shirt for participating in the events.
Initially, governments around the world opposed the illegal government of Roberto Micheletti. Over the weeks everything was cool Do you think the international community, through their silence, is allowing it to settle and fits the coup government?
That is obvious and is a point that has always denounced the FNCGE. On the one hand recognize the importance the immediate response of the international community when given the coup. There was a unanimous resolution mass of the Organization of American States (OAS) and pronouncements of the UN General Assembly. In addition, many European governments and the U.S. withdrew its diplomatic corps posted to Honduras.
But then they complain that the pressure measurements taken by these countries have been weak and mostly very slow. In a country like Honduras, which is the third poorest in Latin America, could easily overwhelm his government by simple economics. 80% of trade flows are with the U.S.. Therefore I think we can push in that direction.
Why is not it? Because with this de facto government slows the process of Central American and Latin American integration and in particular the progress around the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA). Recall that the ALBA integration in Central America and Nicaragua and Honduras, Guatemala is not in the ALBA but in Petrocaribe, and El Salvador, the Farabundo Marti Front victory, and was considering joining Petrocaribe. That is, it was creating a very different climate in the region when compared with past decades, and Honduras was the link weaker than previously thought to break the chain.
Delaying such measures I see it as an attempt by one side, pressuring the de facto government to return to the institutions, but on the other, is to seize this chance to stop the integration process of which I spoke.
But these economic measures to halt the de facto government of which you speak Do not end up hurting people more vulnerable?
This is always the eternal question, but I think if the international community had set to work, Micheletti government would have fallen very rapidly without the population had been affected.
From what I hear, many sectors of the resistance would according to the economic blockade that the end of this coup.
"This view of the events just outlined, is widespread within the FNCGE?
If yes, totally. I do not only print but also indicate my opinions and analysis made by the resistance. The people of FNCGE clearly says, the coup began in order to stop the ALBA. In fact, immediately after, one of the first acts of the Micheletti was expelling the Cuban educators were developing literacy work, and they planned in the next January Honduras declared a country free of illiteracy. In the first statements of the coup and blamed everything on Hugo Chavez, ALBA and the Army itself said that thanks to this "democratic presidential change" may stop the process of entry of socialism disguised as democracy.
Along the same lines and considering that for years you work and live in Nicaragua Do you think that behind the strong national and international campaign waged against the government of Daniel Ortega by the alleged fraud in municipal elections last year, also There was an attempt to destabilize one of the countries most committed to the integration and the ALBA?
destabilizing action is constant, not only in Honduras and Nicaragua, but in all Latin American countries are pursuing the project of ALBA.
go back to Honduras FNCGE How do you assess the role of both Barack Obama and the European Union?
Well, that's what I mentioned in a previous question. Recognize that the U.S. rejected what happened in June, but without referring to it as a coup. They also supported the mediation of the President of Costa Rica, Oscar Arias, to facilitate dialogue between the parties and resulted in the San José Agreement.
But then, as I said, calling for America to be more forceful. Recuerdan que el gobierno norteamericano tardó más de dos meses en retirar a su embajador de Tegucigalpa y todavía no ha reconocido que aquí existió un golpe de estado
¿Por qué la administración Obama no reconoce los hechos tal cual sucedieron?
Porque sus leyes determinan que si en algún país del mundo hay un golpe de estado, automáticamente Estados Unidos debe cancelar cualquier ayuda económica a dicho estado. Eso no lo quieren hacer en Honduras y sabemos que numerosas agencias norteamericanas siguen financiando algunas instituciones del gobierno de facto. El chorro de dinero no se ha parado.
También sabemos que el día del golpe, el ejército entró con violencia firing into the home of President Zelaya, grabbed him and then took him to the U.S. military base in Palmerola to take off to Costa Rica. The resistance has never accused Obama of being involved in it, but had not paid enough attention to what was happening.
And with the European Union? For
spend some of the same. The EU recognizes that FNCGE denounced the coup, but the measures undertaken from Europe to crush have been very effective, strong and especially little slow. This has allowed the de facto government is established.
The president of Costa Rica Oscar Arias, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his role in the negotiation process during armed conflicts in Central America in the 80's. However, when he was president of Costa Rica during that decade, his country commands offered shelter to the Nicaraguan contras and for many diplomatic Arias was the puppet of Reagan. How do you assess the role of Oscar Arias in the mediation process?
President Arias, of course it is an instrument in the hands of the State Department of Hillary Clinton. It was she who proposed him as a mediator in the crisis. Moreover, if we consider the 12 points of the San Jose or Arias Plan, except the first one is the return of Zelaya, the rest are totally against the legitimate president of Honduras. The agreement
it put back in power but no power. For example, a point on the San José Agreement provides that if Zelaya returned to the presidency did not start any process towards a constituent assembly. Another section is that the elections be brought forward in late October and that the army handle all the logistics of the process. Look for it is curious that an army just to stage a coup he wants to entrust the control of an election.
On the contrary, this agreement does not intend at any time to restore the projects agreed with civil society, which had undertaken the president and that were canceled one to one after the coup. Zelaya. For example, he approved a 60% increase in the minimum wage after the coup and many employers no longer apply. Illegitimate authorities also arise out of the ALBA and Petrocaribe. In other words, the whole situation that was created for three years, was zero and none of the points of the San Jose discusses these aspects.
While it is true that in Venezuela coup social mobilization was the most important factor for Hugo Chavez regained power, it is also true that this happened because part of the army supporting the return and drop the destabilization plans . From the comments of people that talk and FNCGE Do you think a section of the army would support the return to democratic normalcy?
I do not think, in fact, has received a strong unit. Zelaya was thought that in the country, a sector or a high command of the army could take other positions, but with the repression of these days have shown that for the moment remain firm next to the powers that supported the coup state.
The key elements to change something, first is that the resistance to maintain and deepen its presence. The other point, as I said before, is the United States economically and politically because it can condition and corral the de facto government. The third element is that the army began to show signs of internal division, under international pressure and lawsuits against the violation of human rights in recent months.
And American Commission on Human Rights has specifically recognized that human rights have been violated of all kinds. The Arias Plan includes an amnesty for political crimes, but not for criminal offenses for violating the human rights of the population. Then this could be a factor that may break the unity of the army and police, if the international community and promotes press lawsuits against those who exceeded en sus funciones.
Si no se puede contar con el ejército ni la policía sólo queda la presión del pueblo. Que tras el regreso de Zelaya a Honduras Micheletti quiera hablar con él, yo lo veo como una muestra de debilidad de éste al ver que la sociedad está saliendo a la calle. Sin embargo ¿Percibes suficiente presión para que los golpistas abandonen el poder?
Hasta el momento no. Yo creo que los autores intelectuales y materiales del golpe de estado, no tenían previsto una respuesta de la gente como la que se está dando. Tal vez pronosticaron revueltas y protestas por un corto periodo de tiempo, para luego poder seguir adelante con su plan. Tampoco esperaron, creo, la respuesta inmediata y contundente international community, in the sense that isolated Honduras, was suspended from the OAS and the UN rejected the coup and did not recognize the de facto government.
But again, I think it takes much more so that he challenges his legs illegitimate government. An important element is the presence of Manuel Zelaya in the country, which has led to an explosion of joy and optimism among the people. Surely, another element is that the international community can pressure the way you said before.
This may plunge the government into a dialogue Micheletti, which for me is a double edged sword because it can limit the ability of motion that was before the coup Zelaya state, to undertake new projects which will result in Honduran society.
If there is a dialogue to force the government to abandon the de facto president, but is given almost anything to change, and the only point of interest is that Zelaya be rehabilitated within one month and a half until elections are held, I believe that this could provoke a split between President Zelaya and endurance.
I know you have to address again the streets of Tegucigalpa as soon as possible. Therefore I pose as the last question "the suppression has climbed in recent days?
Repression has been massive and totally unwarranted, because people were peacefully gathered outside the Brazilian Embassy to celebrate the return of Zelaya. There was no riot or looting and suddenly the police arrived and fired tear gas police brutality This has continued during the days after the return of Zelaya, especially in neighborhoods where people are saying. The colony where the Brazilian embassy has been taken by the army and some homes have been evacuated and occupied by the military.
has also instituted a curfew beginning at 4 pm, which meant that the country has been paralyzed by the government de facto. This has prevented many people perform normal activities: buying food and water, refueling, etc.
The curfew and the constant demonstrations have led many people were arrested, taken to police stations and even concentrated in a baseball field prepared for that purpose. There have also been wounded by bullets. On Wednesday, 23 went to the Hospital (the largest in Tegucigalpa) and emergency confessed that we had entered the day before more than 20 people, many with wounds of ammunition. That shows that they are not shooting with rubber bullets but with live ammunition.
The insurgents have also established a national media blockade to control information and create a fictitious image of Honduras every day dawns with normal. Virtually all the media have jumped on the bandwagon with the exception of Radio Globo, Radio Progreso, Channel 36 and many community radio stations located in all departments, which allow accurate information to flow and reach the people. The rest of the press, radio and television are controlled not by the government de facto, but rather by employers and owners of mass media, which are part of the powers that, according to the resistance, orchestrated the coup.
These few independent media have been repressed and hampered. On September 23, for example, Channel 36 spending the whole day was a message denouncing the telecommunications company because he had taken the air channel signal. This ensured that this TV could only see in Tegucigalpa. This does not happen for the first time, but since June 28 has passed repeatedly. A month ago, this channel was attacked in the antenna and was suspended for two weeks emissions. Similar incidents have happened also with Radio Globo and now for example you can not listen to that station online.
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