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The Chiquita multinazionale orchestrated accusata di aver il colpo di stato in Honduras. Ma questa smentisce

"E 'semplicemente ridicolo." E queste parole che Chiquita, a volta United Fruit and United Brands, the leader nel mercato delle multinazionale banane, l'AccUsa smonta da alcuni critici e rivoltale Osservatorio international see it between the principals of the coup of June 28 in Honduras.
Luciana Luciani, a spokesman for Chiquita Italy, contacted by PeaceReporter, had no hesitation: "While waiting for the official press release do not hesitate to repeat the words already on the subject expressed by the supreme head of my company: a theory is ridiculous, just ridiculous ". Yet, it is very involving international public opinion and leading to a massive boycott campaign: "Honduras. Against the coup leaders and members would not buy Chiquita."
Among the first to support the alliance between the multinational from the past rather complex, but in recent years, said he married the philosophy of transparency and rights very expensive in order to avoid retaliation lawsuits and claims, Nikolas Kozloff is the author of "Revolution! South America and the Rise of the New Left . On Counter Punch, newsletter Polica widespread in the United States, published an intervention, then taken up by other websites and translated into several languages, in which he rattles off the whole argument, tracing the historical deeds and their heroic brand of fruit more famous in the world. "De Arbenz in Zelaya: Chiquita (United Fruit) in Americalatina.
"When the Honduran military had toppled the democratically elected government of Manuel Zelaya - Kozloff explains - in corporate boardrooms of the Chiquita Banana may have breathed a sigh of relief. Earlier this year, the fruit company based in Cincinnati, USA, joined Dole in criticizing the government in Tegucigalpa that had increased the minimum wage by 60 percent. Chiquita complained that the new rules struck the benefits of the company. He was worried because it would have lost millions of dollars with the labor reforms of Zelaya in Honduras since the company produced about eight million cases of pineapple and 22 million cases per year of plane. "
" And so - it continues writer - when he appeared the decree of the minimum wage, Chiquita sought help from the Honduran Council of private COHEP (who wrote a coup in the government's key man, Benjamin Bográn, head of the ministry of Industry and Trade Ed.). Even COHEP, in fact, was dissatisfied with the measures imposed by Mel on a minimum wage. Amílcar Bulnes, president of the group, explained that if the government went ahead with the increase in the minimum wage, employers would have been forced to lay off workers, thereby increasing unemployment in the country. As the leading business organization in Honduras, COHEP sixty business groups and chambers of commerce representing all sectors of the Honduran economy.
A coup happened, COHEP did not hesitate to ask the international community not to impose economic sanctions against the military regime, because that would worsen social problems of the country. Indeed, soon to rise defender of the poor Hondurans, recalling how they had already suffered too much from earthquakes, floods and the global financial crisis. Why so relentlessly? Prior to punish the military regime, according Cohpe, the UN and Osa had to send teams of observers to see first-hand how such sanctions would affect about 70 percent of citizens living below the poverty line. "All this - Kozloff explains - while Bulnes wholeheartedly supports Roberto Micheletti, stating that in Honduras there were no conditions for the return of Zelaya."
After having outlined what he calls "the long and sordid political history of Chiquita in Central America", which began in the early twentieth century, made, according to this reconstruction, sinister conspiracies and plots with the most illiberal and conservative parties in countries like Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua, before reaching the climax of nasty business in Colombia, the article then says "in light of Chiquita's very clear these stories is not surprising that the company has tried to ally with COHEP in the case of the coup centromaricano still underway in the country. "
http://it.peacereporter.net/articolo/17558/Honduras% 2C + the + fox + of + bananas

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Chiquita's reaction to the campaign of Arbenz

"It's just ridiculous." It is with these words that Chiquita, formerly United Fruit and United Brands, a multinational market for bananas, answered the charges that have led many international observers who see the constituents of the coup of June 28 in Honduras.

Luciana Luciani, Chiquita Italia spokesman, when contacted by PeaceReporter, answered with a harsh tone Global Campaign "Boycott Chiquita." Without hesitation he says, "While I hope the statement official did not hesitate to repeat the words already given on the subject by the supreme head of my company is a ridiculous argument, simply ridiculous. "

Hopefully so. Unfortunately, it is tragic, it is anything else, but not too ridiculous. The "supreme leader" can not refute the chronicle, or criminal record and recent history of the multinational banana in Honduras and in other South American countries.

Latin American Coordination of Banana Unions (COLSIBA) has denounced the hellish working conditions prevailing in Chiquita facilities: 12-hour workday, women, men and children workers exposed to very harmful effects of DBCP. This is a "parasite" banned carcinogen that causes sterility and deformed fetuses. This is the Honduras that the coup leaders and agricultural exporters want to keep all costs.

Chiquita radically opposed to raising the minimum wage decreed by the deposed President Zelaya and was the spearhead of open insubordination and expresses the business association Honduras (Coehp), which represents the most influential.

The "supreme leader" can not deny nor a condemnation of the U.S. justice system on charges that Chiquita made for funding the notorious Colombian paramilitaries, with an expenditure of $ 1.7 million.

A judge imposed a fine of $ 25 million and recognized the fair grounds of the families of scores of peasants killed by paramilitaries responsible for "maintaining order" in the banana estates. The judge ruled that they were terrorists.

was the late nineties. No 1920, Sam "The banana man "Zemurray could say with impunity" In Honduras a mule costs more than a deputy. "

Times are changing, the people of Honduras have the right to be governed by their choice at the polls.

Therefore, international civil society action against the military-business coup and strike with the force of reason and nonviolence to all political and economic supporters of the coup.

CIBCH

How Many Lorazepam Can You Take In A Day

Zelaya: Chiquita (United Fruit) in Latin America

Nikolas Kozloff
of www.rebelion.org

When the Honduran military overthrew the democratically elected government of Manuel Zelaya two weeks ago, may have been a sigh of relief in corporate board rooms of the Chiquita banana. Earlier this year the fruit company based in Cincinnati, USA Dole was joined in his criticism of the government in Tegucigalpa that had raised the minimum wage by 60%. Chiquita complained that the new rules would affect company profits and the firm would require higher costs in Costa Rica: 20 cents more to produce a box of pineapple and ten cents more to produce a box of bananas, to be exact. In total, Chiquita was worried it would lose millions to labor reforms Zelaya as the company produces about 8 million boxes of pineapples and 22 million boxes of bananas per year.

When it appeared the decree of the minimum wage, Chiquita sought help and called on the Honduran Private Enterprise Council (COHEP). As Chiquita, COHEP was unhappy with the measure of Zelaya on the minimum wage. Amilcar Bulnes, president of the group, argued that if the government went ahead with the increase in the minimum wage, employers would be forced to lay off workers, thereby increasing unemployment in the country. As the leading business organization in Honduras, COHEP groups 60 business associations and chambers of commerce representing all sectors of the Honduran economy. According to his own website, COHEP is the political and technical arm of the Honduran private sector, supports trade agreements and provided "critical support for the democratic system."

COHEP argues that the international community should not impose economic sanctions against the coup regime in Tegucigalpa, because worsen social problems in Honduras. In his new role as spokesman for the poor of Honduras, Honduras and declares COHEP has suffered earthquakes, floods and the global financial crisis. Prior to punish the regime with punitive measures, argues COHEP, United Nations and the Organization of American States should send observer teams to Honduras to assess how the sanctions would affect 70% of Hondurans live in poverty. Meanwhile, Bulnes has expressed support for the coup regime Roberto Micheletti, arguing that political conditions in Honduras are not conducive to a return from exile of Zelaya. Chiquita

: In Arbenz to Bananagate

Chiquita Not surprisingly find and ally with social forces and politically retrograde Honduras. COLSIBA, the coordinating body of banana plantation workers in Latin America, said that the fruit company has not provided their workers with safety equipment and has delayed the signing of collective labor agreements in Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras.

The Latin American Banana Workers' Unions, compared COLSIBA hellish working conditions on Chiquita plantations in concentration camps. A comparison is inflammatory, but may contain some truth. Women working in Chiquita plantations in Central America working from 6.30 am to 7 pm, with hands that are burning inside rubber gloves. Some workers have only 14. Central American banana workers have reported that Chiquita's exposed to DBCP in the ground, hazardous pesticides that cause sterility, cancer and birth defects in children.

Chiquita, formerly known as United Fruit Company and United Brands, has had a long and sordid political history in Central America. Directed by Sam "The Banana Man" Zemurray, United Fruit entered the business of bananas in the early twentieth century. Zemurray once observed: "In Honduras, a mule costs more than a member of parliament." In the twenties United Fruit controlled 263,000 hectares the best land in Honduras, about a quarter of the country's arable land. What's more, the company controlled roads and railways.

In Honduras, the fruit companies extended their influence to all areas of life, including politics and the military. For these tactics acquired the name "octopuses." Those who did not accept the game of the corporations were often found face down on the plantations. In 1904, humorist O. Henry coined the term "banana republic" to refer to the infamous United Fruit Company and its activities in Honduras.

In Guatemala, United Fruit supported the military coup sponsored by the CIA in 1954 against President Jacobo Arbenz, a reformer who sought to make land reform. The overthrow of Arbenz took over thirty years of unrest and civil war in Guatemala. Later, in 1961, he worked for United Fruit ships Cuban exiles backed by the CIA tried to overthrow Fidel Castro Bay of Pigs.

In 1972, United Fruit (renamed United Brands) led to power Honduran General Oswaldo López Arellano. However, the dictator had to give up later after the infamous scandal Bananagate "that had to do with bribes from United Brands for López Arellano. A U.S. grand jury accused United Brands of bribing Arellano with $ 1.25 million, with the promise of another $ 1.25 million if the military agreed to reduce taxes on the export of fruit. During the Bananagate, president of United Brands fell from a skyscraper in New York, in an apparent suicide.

Go-Go Years Clinton Years and Colombia

United Fruit was also established in Colombia and, during operations in the South American country, developing an image no less harrowing. In 1928, 3,000 workers went on strike against the company to demand better pay and working conditions. The company first refused to negotiate, but then relented on some minor points, and stated that the remaining claims were "illegal" or "impossible." When the strikers refused to disperse, the military fired on workers, killing many them.

might think that Chiquita would have reconsidered their labor policies after what happened but in the late nineties, the company began to ally with insidious forces, specifically right-wing paramilitaries. Chiquita were paid to more than one million dollars. In his own defense, the company stated that he was merely paying the paramilitaries for protection.

In 2007, Chiquita paid $ 25 million to settle a Justice Department investigation about these payments. Chiquita was the first company in U.S. history convicted of financial dealings with a specific terrorist organization.

In a lawsuit against Chiquita, victims of paramilitary violence said that the company instigated to commit atrocities, including terrorism, war crimes and crimes against humanity. A lawyer for the plaintiffs said Chiquita's relationship with the paramilitaries had to do with the acquisition of all aspects of banana distribution and sale through a reign of terror. "

Back in Washington, Charles Lindner, Chiquita's executive director, was busy courting the White House. Lindner had been a major donor to the Republican Party, but switched sides and began to lavish money to Democrats and Bill Clinton. Lindner rewarded Clinton became a crucial military support from the government of Andres Pastrana, responsible for the proliferation of right-wing death squads. In those days U.S. drove his free trade agenda friendly to corporations in Latin America, a strategy by former Clinton childhood friend, Thomas "Mack" McLarty. At the White House, McLarty served as Chief of Staff and Special Envoy to Latin America. It is a fascinating character who will return in an instant.

Holder-Chiquita connection

Given the poor track record clean of Chiquita in Central America and Colombia, not surprising that the company has subsequently sought to ally themselves with COHEP in Honduras. Apart from lobbying business associations in Colombia, Chiquita also cultivated relationships with major law firms in Washington. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, Chiquita paid $ 70,000 in lobbying expenses Covington and Burling in the last three years.

Covington is a powerful law firm that advises multinational corporations. Eric Holder, current Attorney General [Justice Minister], co-chair of the Obama campaign and former Deputy Attorney General under Bill Clinton was most recently a partner in the firm. In Covington, Holder defended Chiquita as lead counsel in the case with the Department of Justice. From the top of his elegant new office in Covington, located near the New York Times building in Manhattan, prepared Holder Fernando Aguirre, Chiquita's chief executive, for an interview with "60 Minutes" on Colombian death squads.

Holder made the fruit company pleaded guilty to one count of "engaging in transactions with an organization explicitly identified as a global terrorist organization." But the lawyer, who charged a considerable salary in Covington on the order of over $ 2 million , brokered a sweet deal in which Chiquita paid a fine of only $ 25 million over five years. Shockingly, however, neither one of six company officials who approved the payments was sentenced to prison.

The Curious Case of Covington

If you look a little closer Covington will be found that Chiquita not only represents but serves as a kind of nexus for the political right who want to advocate an aggressive foreign policy in Latin America. Covington had a major strategic alliance with Kissinger (famous for Chile in 1973) and McLarty Associates (yes, the same Mack McLarty in the days of Clinton), an internationally well-known firm of consulting and strategic advisory.

John Bolton served from 1974 to 1981 as a partner in Covington. As U.S. Ambassador United Nations under George Bush, Bolton was a fierce critic of Latin American leftists like Hugo Chavez. In addition, John Negroponte recently became vice president of Covington. Negroponte is a former Assistant Secretary of State, Director of National Intelligence and U.S. representative United Nations.

As U.S. Ambassador in Honduras from 1981 to 1985, Negroponte played a key role in assisting the Contra rebels backed by U.S. that they intended to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Human rights groups have criticized Negroponte to ignore the human rights abuses committed by Honduran death squads funded and partly they were trained by the CIA. By the way, where Negroponte served as ambassador, his building in Tegucigalpa became in one of the major hubs of the CIA in Latin America and its staff increased tenfold.

Although there is no evidence linking the recent coup Chiquita in Honduras, there is enough suspicious characters confluence of political and influential enough to warrant further investigation. From COHEP to Covington to Holder and Negroponte and McLarty, Chiquita has selected friends in high places, friends who do not appreciate the progressive labor policies of the government of Zelaya in Tegucigalpa. --------

Nikolas Kozloff is the author of "Revolution! South America and the Rise of the New Left (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2008). His blog is: senorchichero.blogspot.com

How Much Do You Have To Weigh For Modeling

Zelaya From Arbenz to Chiquita in Latin America

From Arbenz to Zelaya
Chiquita in Latin America

By NIKOLAS KOZLOFF

When the Honduran military overthrew the democratically elected government of Manuel Zelaya two weeks ago there might have been a sigh of relief in the corporate board rooms of Chiquita banana. Earlier this year the Cincinnati-based fruit company joined Dole in criticizing the government in Tegucigalpa which had raised the minimum wage by 60%. Chiquita complained that the new regulations would cut into company profits, requiring the firm to spend more on costs than in Costa Rica: 20 cents more to produce a crate of pineapple and ten cents more to produce a crate of bananas to be exact. In all, Chiquita fretted that it would lose millions under Zelaya’s labor reforms since the company produced around 8 million crates of pineapple and 22 million crates of bananas per year.

When the minimum wage decree came down Chiquita sought help and appealed to the Honduran National Business Council, known by its English acronym COHEP. Like Chiquita, COHEP was unhappy about Zelaya’s minimum wage measure. Amílcar Bulnes, the group’s president, argued that if the government went forward with the minimum wage increase employers would be forced to let workers go, thus increasing unemployment in the country. The most important business organization in Honduras, COHEP groups 60 trade associations and chambers of commerce representing every sector of the Honduran economy. According to its own Web site, COHEP is the political and technical arm of the Honduran private sector, supports trade agreements and provides “critical support for the democratic system.”

The international community should not impose economic sanctions against the coup regime in Tegucigalpa, COHEP argues, because this would worsen Honduras’ social problems. In its new role as the mouthpiece for Honduras’ poor, COHEP declares that Honduras has already suffered from earthquakes, torrential rains and the global financial crisis. Before punishing the coup regime with punitive measures, COHEP argues, the United Nations and the Organization of American States should send observer teams to Honduras to investigate how sanctions might affect 70% of Hondurans who live in poverty. Bulnes meanwhile has voiced his support for the coup regime of Roberto Micheletti and argues that the political conditions in Honduras are not propitious for Zelaya’s return from exile.

Chiquita: From Arbenz to Bananagate

It’s not surprising that Chiquita would seek out and ally itself to socially and politically backward forces in Honduras. Colsiba, the coordinating body of banana plantation workers in Latin America, says the fruit company has failed to supply its workers with necessary protective gear and has dragged its feet when it comes to signing collective labor agreements in Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras.

Colsiba compares the infernal labor conditions on Chiquita plantations to concentration camps. It’s an inflammatory comparison yet may contain a degree of truth. Women working on Chiquita’s plantations in Central America work from 6:30 a.m. until 7 at night, their hands burning up inside rubber gloves. Some workers are as young as 14. Central American banana workers have sought damages against Chiquita for exposing them in the field to DBCP, a dangerous pesticide which causes sterility, cancer and birth defects in children.

Chiquita, formerly known as United Fruit Company and United Brands, has had a long and sordid political history in Central America. Led by Sam “The Banana Man” Zemurray, United Fruit got into the banana business at the turn of the twentieth century. Zemurray once remarked famously, “In Honduras, a mule costs more than a member of parliament.” By the 1920s United Fruit controlled 650,000 acres of the best land in Honduras, almost one quarter of all the arable land in the country. What’s more, the company controlled important roads and railways.

In Honduras the fruit companies spread their influence into every area of life including politics and the military. For such tactics they acquired the name los pulpos (the octopuses, from the way they spread their tentacles). Those who did not play ball with the corporations were frequently found face down on the plantations. In 1904 humorist O. Henry coined the term “Banana Republic” to refer to the notorious United Fruit Company and its actions in Honduras.

In Guatemala, United Fruit supported the CIA-backed 1954 military coup against President Jacobo Arbenz, a reformer who had carried out a land reform package. Arbenz’ overthrow led to more than thirty years of unrest and civil war in Guatemala. Later in 1961, United Fruit lent its ships to CIA-backed Cuban exiles who sought to overthrow Fidel Castro at the Bay of Pigs.

In 1972, United Fruit (now renamed United Brands) propelled Honduran General Oswaldo López Arellano to power. The dictator was forced to step down later however after the infamous “Bananagate” scandal which involved United Brands bribes to Arellano. A federal grand jury accused United Brands of bribing Arellano with $1.25 million, with the carrot of another $1.25 million later if the military man agreed to reduce fruit export taxes. During Bananagate, United Brands’ President fell from a New York City skyscraper in an apparent suicide.

Go-Go Clinton Years and Colombia

In Colombia United Fruit also set up shop and during its operations in the South American country developed a no less checkered profile. In 1928, 3,000 workers went on strike against the company to demand better pay and working conditions. At first the company refused to negotiate but later gave in on some minor points, declaring the other demands “illegal” or “impossible.” When the strikers refused to disperse the military fired on the banana workers, killing scores.

You might think that Chiquita would have reconsidered its labor policies after that but in the late 1990s the company began to ally itself with insidious forces, specifically right wing paramilitaries. Chiquita paid off the men to the tune of more than a million dollars. In its own defense, the company declared that it was merely paying protection money to the paramilitaries.

In 2007, Chiquita paid $25 million to settle a Justice Department investigation into the payments. Chiquita was the first company in U.S. history to be convicted of financial dealings with a designated terrorist organization.

In a lawsuit launched against Chiquita victims of the paramilitary violence claimed the firm abetted atrocities including terrorism, war crimes and crimes against humanity. A lawyer for the plaintiffs said that Chiquita’s relationship with the paramilitaries “was about acquiring every aspect of banana distribution and sale through a reign of terror.”

Back in Washington, D.C. Charles Lindner, Chiquita’s CEO, was busy courting the White House. Lindner had been a big donor to the GOP but switched sides and began to lavish cash on the Democrats and Bill Clinton. Clinton repaid Linder by becoming a key military backer of the government of Andrés Pastrana which presided over the proliferation of right wing death squads. At the time the U.S. was pursuing its corporately-friendly free trade agenda in Latin America, a strategy carried out by Clinton’s old boyhood friend Thomas “Mack” McLarty. At the White House, McLarty served as Chief of Staff and Special Envoy to Latin America. He’s an intriguing figure who I’ll come back to in a moment.

The Holder-Chiquita Connection

Given Chiquita’s underhanded record in Central America and Colombia it’s not a surprise that the company later sought to ally itself with COHEP in Honduras. In addition to lobbying business associations in Honduras however Chiquita also cultivated relationships with high powered law firms in Washington. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, Chiquita has paid out $70,000 in lobbying fees to Covington and Burling over the past three years.

Covington is a powerful law firm which advises multinational corporations. Eric Holder, the current Attorney General, a co-chair of the Obama campaign and former Deputy Attorney General under Bill Clinton was up until recently a partner at the firm. At Covington, Holder defended Chiquita as lead counsel in its case with the Justice Department. From his perch at the elegant new Covington headquarters located near the New York Times building in Manhattan, Holder prepped Fernando Aguirre, Chiquita’s CEO, for an interview with 60 Minutes dealing with Colombian death squads.

Holder had the fruit company plead guilty to one count of “engaging in transactions with a specially designated global terrorist organization.” But the lawyer, who was taking in a hefty salary at Covington to the tune of more than $2 million, brokered a sweetheart deal in which Chiquita only paid a $25 million fine over five years. Outrageously however, not one of the six company officials who approved the payments received any jail time.

The Curious Case of Covington

Look a little deeper and you’ll find that not only does Covington represent Chiquita but also serves as a kind of nexus for the political right intent on pushing a hawkish foreign policy in Latin America. Covington has pursued an important strategic alliance with Kissinger (of Chile, 1973 fame) and McLarty Associates (yes, the same Mack McLarty from Clinton-time), a well known international consulting and strategic advisory firm.

From 1974 to 1981 John Bolton served as an associate at Covington. As U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations under George Bush, Bolton was a fierce critic of leftists in Latin America such as Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez. Furthermore, just recently John Negroponte became Covington’s Vice Chairman. Negroponte is a former Deputy Secretary of State, Director of National Intelligence and U.S. Representative to the United Nations.

As U.S. Ambassador to Honduras from 1981-1985, Negroponte played a significant role in assisting the U.S.-backed Contra rebels intent on overthrowing the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Human rights groups have criticized Negroponte for ignoring human rights abuses committed by Honduran death squads which were funded and partially trained by the Central Intelligence Agency. Indeed, when Negroponte served as ambassador his building in Tegucigalpa became one of the largest nerve centers of the CIA in Latin America with a tenfold increase in personnel.

While there’s no evidence linking Chiquita to the recent coup in Honduras, there’s enough of a confluence of suspicious characters and political heavyweights here to warrant further investigation. From COHEP to Covington to Holder to Negroponte to McLarty, Chiquita has sought out friends in high places, friends who had no love for the progressive labor policies of the Zelaya regime in Tegucigalpa.

Nikolas Kozloff is the author of Revolution! South America and the Rise of the New Left (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2008) Follow his blog at senorchichero.blogspot.com

http://www.counterpunch.org/kozloff07172009.html

How Much Is A Pink Pearl Worth?

John Perkins: Honduras Coup Orchestrated by two U.S. Corporations? A little history

By John Perkins

August 07, 2009 "Information Clearing House" -- I recently visited Central America. Everyone I talked with there was convinced that the military coup that had overthrown the democratically-elected president of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, had been engineered by two US companies, with CIA support. And that the US and its new president were not standing up for democracy.

Earlier in the year Chiquita Brands International Inc. (formerly United Fruit) and Dole Food Co had severely criticized Zelaya for advocating an increase of 60% in Honduras’s minimum wage, claiming that the policy would cut into corporate profits. They were joined by a coalition of textile manufacturers and exporters, companies that rely on cheap labor to work in their sweatshops.

Memories are short in the US, but not in Central America. I kept hearing people who claimed that it was a matter of record that Chiquita (United Fruit) and the CIA had toppled Guatemala’s democratically-elected president Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 and that International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT), Henry Kissinger, and the CIA had brought down Chile’s Salvador Allende in 1973. These people were certain that Haiti’s president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted by the CIA in 2004 because he proposed a minimum wage increase, like Zelaya’s.

I was told by a Panamanian bank vice president, “Every multinational knows that if Honduras raises its hourly rate, the rest of Latin America and the Caribbean will have t o follow. Haiti and Honduras have always set the bottom line for minimum wages. The big companies are determined to stop what they call a ‘leftist revolt’ in this hemisphere. In throwing out Zelaya they are sending frightening messages to all the other presidents who are trying to raise the living standards of their people.”

It did not take much imagination to envision the turmoil sweeping through every Latin American capital. There had been a collective sign of relief at Barack Obama’s election in the U.S., a sense of hope that the empire in the North would finally exhibit compassion toward its southern neighbors, that the unfair trade agreements, privatizations, draconian IMF Structural Adjustment Programs, and threats of military intervention would slow down and perhaps even fade away. Now, that optimism was turning sour.

The cozy relationship between Honduras’s military coup leaders and the corporatocracy were confirmed a couple of days after my arrival in Panama. England’s The Guardian ran an article announcing that “two of the Honduran coup government's top advisers have close ties to the US secretary of state. One is Lanny Davis, an influential lobbyist who was a personal lawyer for President Bill Clinton and also campaigned for Hillary. . . The other hired gun for the coup government that has deep Clinton ties is (lobbyist) Bennett Ratcliff.” (1)

DemocracyNow! broke the news that Chiquita was represented by a powerful Washington law firm, Covi ngton & Burling LLP, and its consultant, McLarty Associates (2). President Obama’s Attorney General Eric Holder had been a Covington partner and a defender of Chiquita when the company was accused of hiring “assassination squads” in Colombia (Chiquita was found guilty, admitting that it had paid organizations listed by the US government as terrorist groups “for protection” and agreeing in 2004 to a $25 million fine). (3) George W. Bush’s UN Ambassador, John Bolton, a former Covington lawyer, had fiercely opposed Latin American leaders who fought for their peoples’ rights to larger shares of the profits derived from their resources; after leaving the government in 2006, Bolton became involved with the Project for the New American Century, the Council for National Policy, and a number of other programs that promote corporate hegemony in Honduras and elsewhere.

McLarty Vice Chairman John Negroponte was U.S. Ambassador to Honduras from 1981-1985, former Deputy Secretary of State, Director of National Int elligence, and U.S. Representative to the United Nations; he played a major role in the U.S.-backed Contra’s secret war against Nicaragua’s Sandinista government and has consistently opposed the policies of the democratically-elected pro-reform Latin American presidents. (4) These three men symbolize the insidious power of the corporatocracy, its bipartisan composition, and the fact that the Obama Administration has been sucked in.

The Los Angeles Times went to the heart of this matter when it concluded:

What happened in Honduras is a classic Latin American coup in another sense: Gen. Romeo Vasquez, who led it, is an alumnus of the United States' School of the Americas (renamed the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation). The school is best known for producing Latin American officers who have committed major human rights abuses, including military coups. (5)

All of this leads us once again to the inevitable conclusion: you and I must change the system. The president – whether Democrat or Republican – needs us to speak out.

Chiquita, Dole and all your representatives need to hear from you. Zelaya must be reinstated.

FOOTNOTES

(1)

“Who's in charge of US foreign policy? The coup in Honduras has exposed divisions between Barack Obama and his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton” by Mark Weisbrot http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/jul/16/honduras- coup-obama-clinton (July 23, 2009)

(2) http://www.democracynow.org/2009/7/21/from_arbenz_to_zelaya_chiquita_in (July 23, 2009)

(3) “Chiquita admits to paying Colombia terrorists: Banana company agrees to $25 million fine for paying AUC for protection” MSNBC March 15, 2007 http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/17615143/ (July 24, 2009)

(4) Fore more information: http://aconstantineblacklist.blogspot.com/2009/07/eric-holder-and-chaquita- covington.html (Jul y 23, 2009)

(5) “The high-powered hidden support for Honduras' coup: The country's rightful president was ousted b y a military leadership that takes many of its cues from Washington insiders.” by Mark Weisbrot, Los Angeles Times, July 23, 2009

Monday, August 24 2009 @ 9:17 a.m.

John Perkins is the author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man

Hondurus Coup, the CIA and two American Corporations

Movies Online Og Mudbone

[...] For his part raised a Alfredo Holguin campaign to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the slaughter of the banana, which will take place between May and December this year. The slaughter of the banana is an episode in the Colombian town of Cienaga, Magdalena Department, in 1928 when Colombia's armed forces opened fire on a mobilization of workers on strike against the company gringa Unite Fruit Company (now Chiquita Brands) committed in funding paramilitaries in Urabá). The slaughter occurred on December 6, 1928 left more than three thousand dead, with blood baptize the nascent labor movement in Colombia. It is noteworthy that these tragic events were used as argument to the Nobel Prize winner Gabriel García Márquez's novel One Hundred Years of Solitude. "
http://www.aporrea.org/internacionales/n112613.html

of

Licence For Homemade Trailer In Ontario

Chiquita Brands will pay 25 million fine for financing the paramilitaries

Del Country:

A U.S. judge authorized the sanction, most under the Terrorism Act
EFE - Washington - 18 / 09/2007

District Judge Royce Lamberth in Washington DC yesterday approved the agreement by which the banana multinational Chiquita Brands International agreed to pay a fine of $ 25 million for payments made to Colombian paramilitary group United Self-Defense of Colombia (AUC). This is the maximum penalty has been imposed so far under the U.S. anti-terrorism legislation.
In March, Chiquita pleaded guilty to having made over 100 payments to Colombian paramilitary group that a total of $ 1.7 million.
The prosecution itself was favorable last week that the company paid 25 million dollars, much of which has already paid five million, even before the judge had issued the sentence.
The sentence Lamberth of the company also imposes a probationary period of five years, during which you must make annual payments of five million to complete the sanction. Payment of extortion

As part of the agreement, the Department of Justice U.S. has also decided not to file charges against former executives involved in payments to the AUC between 1997 and 2004.
Speaking to the press, the advisor and executive of the multinational James Thompson said that the sentence is the "right decision" and "responds to the efforts of good faith that the company has to handle this situation so complicated."
Thompson insisted the company was "forced to pay extortion "by the AUC and that he did with the" sole purpose of protecting the lives of their employees and their families. "
According to the manager of Chiquita, the judge has considered the fact that the company made voluntarily confessed and cooperated throughout the investigation.
Attorney Jonathan Malis also emphasized the willingness to work for the company. At the same time, he stressed that Chiquita made payments to millionaires' finance arms to the AUC killed innocent civilians, "and continued with the transfers even after confessing the crime to the authorities in 2003. Murder of innocent civilians

This fact also Judge Lamberth said when he gave the statement, recalling that Chiquita's conduct was illegal and allowed the AUC to kill innocent civilians. He suggested
also concern that the recommendations of the prosecution did not collect individual responsibility of managers in these deaths.
Chiquita's defense lawyer, Eric Holder, said, for its part, Chiquita was threatened and argued that payments made before September 10, 2001, date on which the U.S. government declared the AUC a terrorist group - were not illegal.
Holder also supported his defense on the "negative" of the Government to respond Chiquita when their managers have approached the authorities to know the position of the Department of Justice on payments to the AUC.
With this ruling, Chiquita will move on to a scandal of international scope, which began with the payments to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN), and then spread to the AUC.
Chiquita's subsidiary in Colombia, Banadex, payments began in 1997, although it was in September 2000 when the multinational executives learned of its existence through an internal audit.
On September 10, 2001, the State Department told U.S. AUC a terrorist group, but due to the attacks the following day, the news went unnoticed and Chiquita only learned when a lawyer he met with her on the Internet in February 2003, according to the company.
More than 31,000 paramilitaries of the AUC have demobilized in 2006 after peace talks with the government of President Alvaro Uribe that began in 2003.

http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Chiquita/Brands/pagara/25/millones/multa/financiar/paras/elpepuint/20070918elpepuint_1/Tes

Brawny Step Cantrash Bags

Pablo Neruda on the United Fruit Co.

The United Fruit Co.

When the trumpet sounded, was

all prepared on earth,

Jehovah divided the world

a coca-cola Inc. Anaconda,

Ford Motor, and other entities:

The Fruit Company Inc.

reserved the juicy.

The central coast of my land,

the sweet waist of America.

rechristened their lands,

as "Banana Republic"

and the sleeping dead,

on the restless heroes

who won greatness,

liberty and flags,

established opera buffa;

abolished free will

gift crowns,

unsheathed envy, attracted

the dictatorship of the flies,

Trujillo flies, cans,

flies Carias flies, Martinez - abortions of gorilettis

I place flies, wet flies

the sangre humilde y mermelada,

moscas de circo, sabias moscas

entendidas en tiranía.

Entre las moscas sanguinarias

la frutera desembarca,

arrancando el café y las frutas,

en sus barcos que deslizaron

como bandejas de tesoro

de nuestras tierras sumergidas.

Meanwhile, on the chasms

sugary ports

buried Indians fall

in the morning mist.

a body rolls, a thing

no name, a large fallen

a cluster of dead fruit

shed on the garbage heap .

, Pablo Neruda

Walmart/motion Trendz Scooter

Syllabus Chiquita

[...] The Latin American Banana Workers' Unions (COLSIBA) has denounced the hellish conditions work prevail in the domains of Chiquita work more than 12 hours, women and children of 14 are exposed, like men, the effects of DBCP, a banned pesticide that causes sterility, cancer, lung congestion and congenital deformities in children. This is the coup and Honduras Chiquita want to preserve. Also Hillary Clinton, why not: Micheletti recently praised for his "wise policies."

"In Honduras, a mule is more expensive than a member of Parliament, once said derogatory director of United Fruit, Sam" The Banana Man "Zemurray, when the company began operations in early the last century. In the 20s it controlled nearly a quarter of the arable land in Honduras and it was dedicated to overthrowing elected governments in the polls, like that of Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954. In the late '90s, Chiquita was inspired by his example and paid $ 1.7 million to paramilitary groups to control the cultivation and distribution of bananas in Colombia: dozens of workers ended up dead in the plantations, the company was sued by relatives of those killed and bought their impunity by a fine of $ 25 million imposed by a U.S. judge. Chiquita financed Colombian terrorists, but never admitted to blacklist the State Department. Is that not all terrorists are alike.

of Analysis Juan Gelman, Argentine poet and analyst

Occupational Therapist Starting Salaries

The de facto government slows the process of Latin American integration Basque

interview Vicent Boix ( author of the hammocks Park ) Italian journalist Giorgio

Trucchi's been over 50 days in the streets of Honduras, since June 28, the army and the most powerful overthrow the legitimate President Manuel Zelaya. Has toured the neighborhoods of various cities and the border between Nicaragua and Honduras. Have you been to demonstrations, press conferences, meetings, events of all kinds, police charges, etc. He has authored over 75 articles, features and interviews. Immortalized in nearly 500 photographs and over 20 videos, the most intense, exciting and dramatic place in the Central American nation.

Italian journalist Giorgio Trucchi is based in Nicaragua. In the last three months has covered the events that happen in Honduras for the Latin American Regional International Union of Food Workers (IUF-Rel). Nicaragua also manages the blog and more in English. He made a small hole in his schedule and was able to speak by phone to explain to us first hand the latest taking place in Honduras.
Giorgio
The first question is obliged Are you receiving and noting in Honduras a strong, organized and more widespread social mobilization in defense of the legitimate president Manuel Zelaya?

Definitely yes. The night he learned that Zelaya had entered the country and taken refuge in the embassy of Brazil, began a mass mobilization, not only in the capital but throughout the country. When I heard the news traveled back to Honduras and I did with other journalists from international agencies. A few km. of the capital could see caravans of cars and buses heading Tegucigalpa to support the President Zelaya, who incidentally were arrested by military checkpoints, which gave them no way. We were also about an hour and kept by the military throughout the country have installed controls to prevent people from reaching the capital.

As I say, support is strong but it is difficult to quantify what percentage of the population supports the ousted president. What is certain is that there are demonstrations in neighborhoods, villages and communities, not only capital, but from different departments in the nation.

I ask this because in reading your opinions and articles made from the districts of Honduras and reading in the mainstream media some Chronicles of journalists who do not quite know where they are located, I see two opposing views regarding the response of the Honduran people. On Thursday 24 September, a English newspaper reproduced a photo of the protests, some biased from my point of view-in which was observed only one protester seated on a rock. In the same article was described as popular resistance movement as "weak" Do you agree with this statement?

Not at all. I do not know whether to write this note has taken data from an agency or if that medium had correspondents here in Honduras. We also have to differentiate. There are rallies almost daily in Tegucigalpa and other cities that are massive, with thousands and thousands of people. While the demonstrations in neighborhoods, villages or communities do not need a lot of people because the aim is not that.

thing to emphasize is that all this strategy responds to a National Front Against the Coup (FNCGE), which is organizing various activities in the districts to disperse the protest and create hundreds of small pockets of resistance. In a neighborhood may be 600 people mobilized and in a place 100 or 200. The number will vary and analyzed each group individually, talk about a few people or that the resistance movement is weak. But what really matters is that at this time can be between 100 or 150 active centers scattered only in the capital.

FNCGE The objective of not only organize large events to paralyze the country, but to maintain a constant presence of people in the streets and neighborhoods to show that the coup of June 28 can not be the case and that there a majority of the population does not negate the restoration of Zelaya, the return to democracy and the beginning of a process leading to a constituent assembly and constitutional reform.

What sectors of the population and social organizations have actively joined the marches and actions for the return of democratic normalcy?

There's everything but the fact more interesting is that the FNCGE managed to gather and sit on one table scattered areas who previously worked very little between them. This is a positive aspect of the coup. There are trade unions that were very divided and now begin to move together. Within the FNCGE

apart from the unions, there are also NGOs, groups of teachers, people in the neighborhood, students, peasants, indigenous, Afro-Caribbean women's groups, artists and political parties that were previously faced.

With the coup, the President Zelaya's Liberal Party was fragmented between the supporters of this and those who support the government de facto. Well, that fraction loyal to President also part of the resistance.

This is without doubt one of the most interesting developments in recent months: that an event so powerful and strong as a coup has plunged the union and the joint work of various social actors.

Since the coup began on June 28 When do you see more intensity and more protests of society?

There have been several times particularly active. The first few days, 28 and 29 June were especially intense days because enacting the coup government, the president was expelled from the country and began the crackdown. Another time task force was July 5 when Zelaya made the first attempt to return. There were demonstrations that were answered with violence, which caused the death of the first demonstrator, a young Obed Isis Murillo, who unfortunately was the first of many who lost their lives during three months of fighting. Another strong moment was during the second attempt to Zelaya for entering the country at the border at Las Manos (Ocotal - Nicaragua).

However, the most intense moment is being now that the president is already back in the nation. This shows, regardless of their past and their history, Manuel Zelaya is still a catalyst. Always maintained that the resistance the first step or condition is the restoration of Zelaya as the legitimate president of the nation. They claim that there can be no peace or democracy until it is restored to the president of the republic.

told me that there was a march Thursday 24 supporters of Micheletti Did many people to it?

marches here call the "white" or "scented" have always been massive. After the large concentrations of social organizations, the government itself calls for citizens to participate in demonstrations to counter what organizes and resistance. The

FNCGE denounced on many occasions, these marches are composed of workers in enterprises in the hands of economic groups participating in the coup, and even threatening to force their employees to come to the marches. They get to meet thousands of people, especially men and women workers in export processing zones, and provide them with the famous white shirt for participating in the events.

Initially, governments around the world opposed the illegal government of Roberto Micheletti. Over the weeks everything was cool Do you think the international community, through their silence, is allowing it to settle and fits the coup government?

That is obvious and is a point that has always denounced the FNCGE. On the one hand recognize the importance the immediate response of the international community when given the coup. There was a unanimous resolution mass of the Organization of American States (OAS) and pronouncements of the UN General Assembly. In addition, many European governments and the U.S. withdrew its diplomatic corps posted to Honduras.

But then they complain that the pressure measurements taken by these countries have been weak and mostly very slow. In a country like Honduras, which is the third poorest in Latin America, could easily overwhelm his government by simple economics. 80% of trade flows are with the U.S.. Therefore I think we can push in that direction.

Why is not it? Because with this de facto government slows the process of Central American and Latin American integration and in particular the progress around the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA). Recall that the ALBA integration in Central America and Nicaragua and Honduras, Guatemala is not in the ALBA but in Petrocaribe, and El Salvador, the Farabundo Marti Front victory, and was considering joining Petrocaribe. That is, it was creating a very different climate in the region when compared with past decades, and Honduras was the link weaker than previously thought to break the chain.

Delaying such measures I see it as an attempt by one side, pressuring the de facto government to return to the institutions, but on the other, is to seize this chance to stop the integration process of which I spoke.

But these economic measures to halt the de facto government of which you speak Do not end up hurting people more vulnerable?

This is always the eternal question, but I think if the international community had set to work, Micheletti government would have fallen very rapidly without the population had been affected.

From what I hear, many sectors of the resistance would according to the economic blockade that the end of this coup.

"This view of the events just outlined, is widespread within the FNCGE?

If yes, totally. I do not only print but also indicate my opinions and analysis made by the resistance. The people of FNCGE clearly says, the coup began in order to stop the ALBA. In fact, immediately after, one of the first acts of the Micheletti was expelling the Cuban educators were developing literacy work, and they planned in the next January Honduras declared a country free of illiteracy. In the first statements of the coup and blamed everything on Hugo Chavez, ALBA and the Army itself said that thanks to this "democratic presidential change" may stop the process of entry of socialism disguised as democracy.

Along the same lines and considering that for years you work and live in Nicaragua Do you think that behind the strong national and international campaign waged against the government of Daniel Ortega by the alleged fraud in municipal elections last year, also There was an attempt to destabilize one of the countries most committed to the integration and the ALBA?

destabilizing action is constant, not only in Honduras and Nicaragua, but in all Latin American countries are pursuing the project of ALBA.

go back to Honduras FNCGE How do you assess the role of both Barack Obama and the European Union?

Well, that's what I mentioned in a previous question. Recognize that the U.S. rejected what happened in June, but without referring to it as a coup. They also supported the mediation of the President of Costa Rica, Oscar Arias, to facilitate dialogue between the parties and resulted in the San José Agreement.

But then, as I said, calling for America to be more forceful. Recuerdan que el gobierno norteamericano tardó más de dos meses en retirar a su embajador de Tegucigalpa y todavía no ha reconocido que aquí existió un golpe de estado

¿Por qué la administración Obama no reconoce los hechos tal cual sucedieron?

Porque sus leyes determinan que si en algún país del mundo hay un golpe de estado, automáticamente Estados Unidos debe cancelar cualquier ayuda económica a dicho estado. Eso no lo quieren hacer en Honduras y sabemos que numerosas agencias norteamericanas siguen financiando algunas instituciones del gobierno de facto. El chorro de dinero no se ha parado.

También sabemos que el día del golpe, el ejército entró con violencia firing into the home of President Zelaya, grabbed him and then took him to the U.S. military base in Palmerola to take off to Costa Rica. The resistance has never accused Obama of being involved in it, but had not paid enough attention to what was happening.

And with the European Union? For

spend some of the same. The EU recognizes that FNCGE denounced the coup, but the measures undertaken from Europe to crush have been very effective, strong and especially little slow. This has allowed the de facto government is established.

The president of Costa Rica Oscar Arias, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his role in the negotiation process during armed conflicts in Central America in the 80's. However, when he was president of Costa Rica during that decade, his country commands offered shelter to the Nicaraguan contras and for many diplomatic Arias was the puppet of Reagan. How do you assess the role of Oscar Arias in the mediation process?

President Arias, of course it is an instrument in the hands of the State Department of Hillary Clinton. It was she who proposed him as a mediator in the crisis. Moreover, if we consider the 12 points of the San Jose or Arias Plan, except the first one is the return of Zelaya, the rest are totally against the legitimate president of Honduras. The agreement

it put back in power but no power. For example, a point on the San José Agreement provides that if Zelaya returned to the presidency did not start any process towards a constituent assembly. Another section is that the elections be brought forward in late October and that the army handle all the logistics of the process. Look for it is curious that an army just to stage a coup he wants to entrust the control of an election.

On the contrary, this agreement does not intend at any time to restore the projects agreed with civil society, which had undertaken the president and that were canceled one to one after the coup. Zelaya. For example, he approved a 60% increase in the minimum wage after the coup and many employers no longer apply. Illegitimate authorities also arise out of the ALBA and Petrocaribe. In other words, the whole situation that was created for three years, was zero and none of the points of the San Jose discusses these aspects.

While it is true that in Venezuela coup social mobilization was the most important factor for Hugo Chavez regained power, it is also true that this happened because part of the army supporting the return and drop the destabilization plans . From the comments of people that talk and FNCGE Do you think a section of the army would support the return to democratic normalcy?

I do not think, in fact, has received a strong unit. Zelaya was thought that in the country, a sector or a high command of the army could take other positions, but with the repression of these days have shown that for the moment remain firm next to the powers that supported the coup state.

The key elements to change something, first is that the resistance to maintain and deepen its presence. The other point, as I said before, is the United States economically and politically because it can condition and corral the de facto government. The third element is that the army began to show signs of internal division, under international pressure and lawsuits against the violation of human rights in recent months.

And American Commission on Human Rights has specifically recognized that human rights have been violated of all kinds. The Arias Plan includes an amnesty for political crimes, but not for criminal offenses for violating the human rights of the population. Then this could be a factor that may break the unity of the army and police, if the international community and promotes press lawsuits against those who exceeded en sus funciones.

Si no se puede contar con el ejército ni la policía sólo queda la presión del pueblo. Que tras el regreso de Zelaya a Honduras Micheletti quiera hablar con él, yo lo veo como una muestra de debilidad de éste al ver que la sociedad está saliendo a la calle. Sin embargo ¿Percibes suficiente presión para que los golpistas abandonen el poder?

Hasta el momento no. Yo creo que los autores intelectuales y materiales del golpe de estado, no tenían previsto una respuesta de la gente como la que se está dando. Tal vez pronosticaron revueltas y protestas por un corto periodo de tiempo, para luego poder seguir adelante con su plan. Tampoco esperaron, creo, la respuesta inmediata y contundente international community, in the sense that isolated Honduras, was suspended from the OAS and the UN rejected the coup and did not recognize the de facto government.

But again, I think it takes much more so that he challenges his legs illegitimate government. An important element is the presence of Manuel Zelaya in the country, which has led to an explosion of joy and optimism among the people. Surely, another element is that the international community can pressure the way you said before.

This may plunge the government into a dialogue Micheletti, which for me is a double edged sword because it can limit the ability of motion that was before the coup Zelaya state, to undertake new projects which will result in Honduran society.

If there is a dialogue to force the government to abandon the de facto president, but is given almost anything to change, and the only point of interest is that Zelaya be rehabilitated within one month and a half until elections are held, I believe that this could provoke a split between President Zelaya and endurance.

I know you have to address again the streets of Tegucigalpa as soon as possible. Therefore I pose as the last question "the suppression has climbed in recent days?

Repression has been massive and totally unwarranted, because people were peacefully gathered outside the Brazilian Embassy to celebrate the return of Zelaya. There was no riot or looting and suddenly the police arrived and fired tear gas police brutality This has continued during the days after the return of Zelaya, especially in neighborhoods where people are saying. The colony where the Brazilian embassy has been taken by the army and some homes have been evacuated and occupied by the military.

has also instituted a curfew beginning at 4 pm, which meant that the country has been paralyzed by the government de facto. This has prevented many people perform normal activities: buying food and water, refueling, etc.

The curfew and the constant demonstrations have led many people were arrested, taken to police stations and even concentrated in a baseball field prepared for that purpose. There have also been wounded by bullets. On Wednesday, 23 went to the Hospital (the largest in Tegucigalpa) and emergency confessed that we had entered the day before more than 20 people, many with wounds of ammunition. That shows that they are not shooting with rubber bullets but with live ammunition.

The insurgents have also established a national media blockade to control information and create a fictitious image of Honduras every day dawns with normal. Virtually all the media have jumped on the bandwagon with the exception of Radio Globo, Radio Progreso, Channel 36 and many community radio stations located in all departments, which allow accurate information to flow and reach the people. The rest of the press, radio and television are controlled not by the government de facto, but rather by employers and owners of mass media, which are part of the powers that, according to the resistance, orchestrated the coup.

These few independent media have been repressed and hampered. On September 23, for example, Channel 36 spending the whole day was a message denouncing the telecommunications company because he had taken the air channel signal. This ensured that this TV could only see in Tegucigalpa. This does not happen for the first time, but since June 28 has passed repeatedly. A month ago, this channel was attacked in the antenna and was suspended for two weeks emissions. Similar incidents have happened also with Radio Globo and now for example you can not listen to that station online.