Zelaya: Chiquita (United Fruit) in Latin America 
Nikolas Kozloff
of www.rebelion.org
When the Honduran military overthrew the democratically elected government of Manuel Zelaya two weeks ago, may have been a sigh of relief in corporate board rooms of the Chiquita banana. Earlier this year the fruit company based in Cincinnati, USA Dole was joined in his criticism of the government in Tegucigalpa that had raised the minimum wage by 60%. Chiquita complained that the new rules would affect company profits and the firm would require higher costs in Costa Rica: 20 cents more to produce a box of pineapple and ten cents more to produce a box of bananas, to be exact. In total, Chiquita was worried it would lose millions to labor reforms Zelaya as the company produces about 8 million boxes of pineapples and 22 million boxes of bananas per year.
When it appeared the decree of the minimum wage, Chiquita sought help and called on the Honduran Private Enterprise Council (COHEP). As Chiquita, COHEP was unhappy with the measure of Zelaya on the minimum wage. Amilcar Bulnes, president of the group, argued that if the government went ahead with the increase in the minimum wage, employers would be forced to lay off workers, thereby increasing unemployment in the country. As the leading business organization in Honduras, COHEP groups 60 business associations and chambers of commerce representing all sectors of the Honduran economy. According to his own website, COHEP is the political and technical arm of the Honduran private sector, supports trade agreements and provided "critical support for the democratic system."
COHEP argues that the international community should not impose economic sanctions against the coup regime in Tegucigalpa, because worsen social problems in Honduras. In his new role as spokesman for the poor of Honduras, Honduras and declares COHEP has suffered earthquakes, floods and the global financial crisis. Prior to punish the regime with punitive measures, argues COHEP, United Nations and the Organization of American States should send observer teams to Honduras to assess how the sanctions would affect 70% of Hondurans live in poverty. Meanwhile, Bulnes has expressed support for the coup regime Roberto Micheletti, arguing that political conditions in Honduras are not conducive to a return from exile of Zelaya. Chiquita
: In Arbenz to Bananagate
Chiquita Not surprisingly find and ally with social forces and politically retrograde Honduras. COLSIBA, the coordinating body of banana plantation workers in Latin America, said that the fruit company has not provided their workers with safety equipment and has delayed the signing of collective labor agreements in Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras.
The Latin American Banana Workers' Unions, compared COLSIBA hellish working conditions on Chiquita plantations in concentration camps. A comparison is inflammatory, but may contain some truth. Women working in Chiquita plantations in Central America working from 6.30 am to 7 pm, with hands that are burning inside rubber gloves. Some workers have only 14. Central American banana workers have reported that Chiquita's exposed to DBCP in the ground, hazardous pesticides that cause sterility, cancer and birth defects in children.
Chiquita, formerly known as United Fruit Company and United Brands, has had a long and sordid political history in Central America. Directed by Sam "The Banana Man" Zemurray, United Fruit entered the business of bananas in the early twentieth century. Zemurray once observed: "In Honduras, a mule costs more than a member of parliament." In the twenties United Fruit controlled 263,000 hectares the best land in Honduras, about a quarter of the country's arable land. What's more, the company controlled roads and railways.
In Honduras, the fruit companies extended their influence to all areas of life, including politics and the military. For these tactics acquired the name "octopuses." Those who did not accept the game of the corporations were often found face down on the plantations. In 1904, humorist O. Henry coined the term "banana republic" to refer to the infamous United Fruit Company and its activities in Honduras.
In Guatemala, United Fruit supported the military coup sponsored by the CIA in 1954 against President Jacobo Arbenz, a reformer who sought to make land reform. The overthrow of Arbenz took over thirty years of unrest and civil war in Guatemala. Later, in 1961, he worked for United Fruit ships Cuban exiles backed by the CIA tried to overthrow Fidel Castro Bay of Pigs.
In 1972, United Fruit (renamed United Brands) led to power Honduran General Oswaldo López Arellano. However, the dictator had to give up later after the infamous scandal Bananagate "that had to do with bribes from United Brands for López Arellano. A U.S. grand jury accused United Brands of bribing Arellano with $ 1.25 million, with the promise of another $ 1.25 million if the military agreed to reduce taxes on the export of fruit. During the Bananagate, president of United Brands fell from a skyscraper in New York, in an apparent suicide.
Go-Go Years Clinton Years and Colombia
United Fruit was also established in Colombia and, during operations in the South American country, developing an image no less harrowing. In 1928, 3,000 workers went on strike against the company to demand better pay and working conditions. The company first refused to negotiate, but then relented on some minor points, and stated that the remaining claims were "illegal" or "impossible." When the strikers refused to disperse, the military fired on workers, killing many them.
might think that Chiquita would have reconsidered their labor policies after what happened but in the late nineties, the company began to ally with insidious forces, specifically right-wing paramilitaries. Chiquita were paid to more than one million dollars. In his own defense, the company stated that he was merely paying the paramilitaries for protection.
In 2007, Chiquita paid $ 25 million to settle a Justice Department investigation about these payments. Chiquita was the first company in U.S. history convicted of financial dealings with a specific terrorist organization.
In a lawsuit against Chiquita, victims of paramilitary violence said that the company instigated to commit atrocities, including terrorism, war crimes and crimes against humanity. A lawyer for the plaintiffs said Chiquita's relationship with the paramilitaries had to do with the acquisition of all aspects of banana distribution and sale through a reign of terror. "
Back in Washington, Charles Lindner, Chiquita's executive director, was busy courting the White House. Lindner had been a major donor to the Republican Party, but switched sides and began to lavish money to Democrats and Bill Clinton. Lindner rewarded Clinton became a crucial military support from the government of Andres Pastrana, responsible for the proliferation of right-wing death squads. In those days U.S. drove his free trade agenda friendly to corporations in Latin America, a strategy by former Clinton childhood friend, Thomas "Mack" McLarty. At the White House, McLarty served as Chief of Staff and Special Envoy to Latin America. It is a fascinating character who will return in an instant.
Holder-Chiquita connection
Given the poor track record clean of Chiquita in Central America and Colombia, not surprising that the company has subsequently sought to ally themselves with COHEP in Honduras. Apart from lobbying business associations in Colombia, Chiquita also cultivated relationships with major law firms in Washington. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, Chiquita paid $ 70,000 in lobbying expenses Covington and Burling in the last three years.
Covington is a powerful law firm that advises multinational corporations. Eric Holder, current Attorney General [Justice Minister], co-chair of the Obama campaign and former Deputy Attorney General under Bill Clinton was most recently a partner in the firm. In Covington, Holder defended Chiquita as lead counsel in the case with the Department of Justice. From the top of his elegant new office in Covington, located near the New York Times building in Manhattan, prepared Holder Fernando Aguirre, Chiquita's chief executive, for an interview with "60 Minutes" on Colombian death squads.
Holder made the fruit company pleaded guilty to one count of "engaging in transactions with an organization explicitly identified as a global terrorist organization." But the lawyer, who charged a considerable salary in Covington on the order of over $ 2 million , brokered a sweet deal in which Chiquita paid a fine of only $ 25 million over five years. Shockingly, however, neither one of six company officials who approved the payments was sentenced to prison.
The Curious Case of Covington
If you look a little closer Covington will be found that Chiquita not only represents but serves as a kind of nexus for the political right who want to advocate an aggressive foreign policy in Latin America. Covington had a major strategic alliance with Kissinger (famous for Chile in 1973) and McLarty Associates (yes, the same Mack McLarty in the days of Clinton), an internationally well-known firm of consulting and strategic advisory.
John Bolton served from 1974 to 1981 as a partner in Covington. As U.S. Ambassador United Nations under George Bush, Bolton was a fierce critic of Latin American leftists like Hugo Chavez. In addition, John Negroponte recently became vice president of Covington. Negroponte is a former Assistant Secretary of State, Director of National Intelligence and U.S. representative United Nations.
As U.S. Ambassador in Honduras from 1981 to 1985, Negroponte played a key role in assisting the Contra rebels backed by U.S. that they intended to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Human rights groups have criticized Negroponte to ignore the human rights abuses committed by Honduran death squads funded and partly they were trained by the CIA. By the way, where Negroponte served as ambassador, his building in Tegucigalpa became in one of the major hubs of the CIA in Latin America and its staff increased tenfold.
Although there is no evidence linking the recent coup Chiquita in Honduras, there is enough suspicious characters confluence of political and influential enough to warrant further investigation. From COHEP to Covington to Holder and Negroponte and McLarty, Chiquita has selected friends in high places, friends who do not appreciate the progressive labor policies of the government of Zelaya in Tegucigalpa. --------
Nikolas Kozloff is the author of "Revolution! South America and the Rise of the New Left (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2008). His blog is: senorchichero.blogspot.com
Luciana Luciani, a spokesman for Chiquita Italy, contacted by PeaceReporter, had no hesitation: "While waiting for the official press release do not hesitate to repeat the words already on the subject expressed by the supreme head of my company: a theory is ridiculous, just ridiculous ". Yet, it is very involving international public opinion and leading to a massive boycott campaign: "Honduras. Against the coup leaders and members would not buy Chiquita." 
"When the Honduran military had toppled the democratically elected government of Manuel Zelaya - Kozloff explains - in corporate boardrooms of the Chiquita Banana may have breathed a sigh of relief. Earlier this year, the fruit company based in Cincinnati, USA, joined Dole in criticizing the government in Tegucigalpa that had increased the minimum wage by 60 percent. Chiquita complained that the new rules struck the benefits of the company. He was worried because it would have lost millions of dollars with the labor reforms of Zelaya in Honduras since the company produced about eight million cases of pineapple and 22 million cases per year of plane. "
A coup happened, COHEP did not hesitate to ask the international community not to impose economic sanctions against the military regime, because that would worsen social problems of the country. Indeed, soon to rise defender of the poor Hondurans, recalling how they had already suffered too much from earthquakes, floods and the global financial crisis. Why so relentlessly? Prior to punish the military regime, according Cohpe, the UN and Osa had to send teams of observers to see first-hand how such sanctions would affect about 70 percent of citizens living below the poverty line. "All this - Kozloff explains - while Bulnes wholeheartedly supports Roberto Micheletti, stating that in Honduras there were no conditions for the return of Zelaya." 
Nikolas Kozloff 
